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SkeemSaam gets more interesting as Lehasa pays a lump sum of Lobola

It was anticipated that Khwezi’s uncle would increase the amount of lobola to R120,000 from its previous value of R60,000. Lehasa has come to an agreement with Khwezi that they will pay him R120 000 as long as he agrees to take her to Joburg so that they can keep an eye on the baby.

This Manqoba character is trying way too hard and is overcompensating for his lack of skill. When it comes to presenting Khwezi, who is his niece, he has completely destroyed the character he had built up.

SkeemSaam gets more interesting as Lehasa pays a lump sum of Lobola

Because he falsely accused Khwezi of stabbing Lehasa, Khwezi’s uncle demanded a R8000 fine from him. The manner in which Magongwa handled Rachel Kunutu’s lobola negotiations brings to mind the uncle who is demanding R8,000 as a damage fee.


R120.000 is nothing to Lehasa, and Khwezi would be deserving of it if she wasn’t such a bad person. Both Khwezi and Lehasa are in an extreme state of desperation regarding their respective relationships. Following the delivery of her child, Lehasa does not have a strategy in place for dealing with khwezi. Because Lehasa and Kwesi deserve to be with each other, Pretty has to prioritize both her own happiness and her career.

SkeemSaam gets more interesting as Lehasa pays a lump sum of Lobola

The love triangle situation involving Pretty, Lehasa, and Khwezi demonstrates that baby mamas will always emerge victorious in the end. Pretty is completely unaware that there was a change in the agenda and that Khwezi will soon be married to Maphosa and returning with her new husband.

SkeemSaam gets more interesting as Lehasa pays a lump sum of Lobola

Just like that, Pretty is going to end up disappointing her mother. Pretty had one final opportunity to make things right with her family, but instead she chose Lehasa over them, and Lehasa went with Khwezi. Pretty’s family was disappointed in her decision.

The negotiating of the bride price forces young South African women to choose between freedom and tradition.

Sinegugu Sikhakhane studies her image in the mirror of her bedroom as she practices applying the makeup she intends to wear to her engagement party. This party is a celebration of an engagement that was not made to her, or even with her knowledge.

When Ms. Sikhakhane’s boyfriend approached her family to ask for her hand in marriage and seal her future with a cash payment, she was a third-year university student. She did not take part in the discussion at all.

They wouldn’t get married for another four years, when a bride price that had to be paid in cattle became due, but during that time, no other man could propose marriage to her.

Sikhakhane, a university graduate who is 22 years old, is pulling on a denim jacket and shaking her thick black hair loose as she says, “My family chose for me.” Sikhakhane is a graduate of the university.

“I love my fiancé. Despite the fact that I love him very much, I was not prepared to get married. Now that he has already visited my family, I don’t have a choice in the matter,” she explains.

Traditions very similar to this one are followed throughout a significant portion of Africa, from Libya and Morocco to Zimbabwe and South Africa. These traditions involve the family of the groom making a payment in the form of livestock or cash prior to the wedding. Around these parts, people call it lobola. According to proponents of the practice, it is an integral component of the complex and multifaceted tradition that surrounds marriage in certain ethnic groups. This tradition is believed to have the ability to strengthen existing bonds. However, critics argue that this reduces women to the status of a commodity, which in turn undermines their agency.

Many young women of different cultures claim that they respect their heritage’s customs, but they bristle at the idea of participating in a transaction that views them as a commodity and locks them into a lifelong commitment against their will. They are addressing this issue in a variety of ways, including cohabiting as a means of avoiding traditional marriage and lobola altogether and engaging in legal battles in an effort to outlaw lobola.

Documentary filmmaker Sihle Hlophe, who resides in Johannesburg, is quoted in an interview as saying, “We have the power to make decisions, and we respect our culture.” “Just because we question our culture does not mean that we want to completely do away with it.”

Ms. Hlophe is currently working on a film titled “Lobola: A Bride’s True Price,” which is scheduled for release in 2019. The film examines the strain that is placed on women when they are forced to balance the demands of their traditions with the decisions they make regarding their lives. It follows her as she navigates the expectations of community and family while simultaneously pursuing personal goals, which she describes as creating a “huge conflict.”

A few people are attempting to litigate this matter. In Zimbabwe, a lawyer named Priccilar Vengesai from Harare has petitioned the country’s constitutional court to either do away with the practice of lobola or, if that is not possible, to rule that the obligation to make a lobola payment could apply to the family of either the bride or the groom.

Ms. Vengesai stated that the conditions of her previous marriages made her appear as an object.

She told the newspaper that Zimbabwe’s Herald that “this whole scenario reduced me to a property, whereby a price tag was put on me by my uncles, and my husband paid.” “Because of this, I was always left with the impression that I had been purchased, and as a result, I was automatically subjected to the control of my husband.”

It should be noted that Ms. Vengesai is not the first person to raise a legal objection. A Ugandan court has ruled that men cannot ask for a refund in the event of a divorce, despite the fact that it has rejected an appeal to outlaw the practice. A law that was recently passed in Zimbabwe prohibits parents from receiving payment for their daughters who are under the age of 18.

Hlophe acknowledges that the practice has some positive aspects, citing the strengthened bond that is created between families as a result of the negotiation process.

They engage in vigorous conversation, which helps them form bonds, and they eat together. They say that the people who are a part of your negotiation party are the people you turn to when you have problems or when you know you have something to celebrate,” she says. “They say that this is how it works.” “From that very second on, you will always be a part of our family.”

Hlophe, on the other hand, is having trouble deciding whether or not to agree to a lobola arrangement or whether or not to press her future husband for a civil marriage. She dislikes the fact that the bride price in modern times is frequently paid in cash rather than in cattle.

She says that cattle have symbolic value in traditional societies and that they function as a form of social currency. “Now, in some situations, lobola has turned into a significant amount of about money, specifically how much the bride is worth. I don’t want to be treated like a commodity.

It is not always a realistic option to negotiate in terms of cattle in the modern urban setting. Apps have been developed by enterprising people that can calculate the cash equivalent of the price of cattle. These apps also allow users to make adjustments for factors like education level, virginity, and skills. According to the Lobola Calculator app, which was developed as a joke but is used by some men to estimate an offer, a price of 11 cows, which is equivalent to about $7,000, is considered to be fair for someone who has finished school and is a virgin. This price is considered fair by some men. This is the amount that Sikhakhane’s boyfriend has agreed to pay in order to appease her family.

Sikhakhane believes that lobola is a fair compensation for what her family has invested in her, despite the fact that she has mixed feelings about the custom. Even though she is in the middle of her 20s, she continues to live with her mother and abides by the decisions that her mother makes.

“Because I’m still like a child under my mom’s hand and she has sacrificed a lot for me, the responsibility goes to my husband or my future husband,” she says. “When I get married, the responsibility goes to my husband or my future husband.” Because of this, he is responsible for compensating my mother for all of the money that she spent on me, including sending me to school, feeding me, and clothing me.

According to the findings of a study conducted in 2011 by researchers Dorrit Posel and Stephanie Rudwick of Witwatersrand University on marriage rates in the KwaZulu-Natal province, young couples are increasingly opting to cohabit instead of getting married in order to circumvent the practice of lobola altogether.

According to the findings of the study, fifty percent of respondents who had never been married gave lobola as the primary reason they had never tied the knot. The price of lobola was mentioned as a concern by almost all of the respondents.

However, the ability to pay is considered by many men to be a sign of manhood and evidence of their capacity to provide for their families. Those who choose to ignore it run the risk of being disregarded as legitimately married by the members of their communities.

It is a rite of passage for him in becoming a man in his family, and in my family, he might not be considered as really married to me if he does not do it, says Hlophe. “It is a rite of passage for him in becoming a man in his family.”

Additionally, the practice places pressure on women. According to Nizipho Mvune, a doctoral student in gender studies at KwaZulu-Natal University in South Africa, the practice of paying lobola can alter the power dynamic within a marriage, deprive women of the ability to make decisions, and increase the likelihood of women becoming victims of domestic violence.

According to Ms. Mvune, “research suggests that some men become violent when they have reduced economic power, and when they finally pay lobola, they are in a position to call the shots and dictate the terms of relationships.” “Research suggests that some men become violent when they have reduced economic power”

Dozens of people whose lives had been altered by domestic violence were interviewed by researchers from the Gender Studies Department of Midlands State University in Zimbabwe. According to the findings of the study conducted in 2013, eighty percent of participants reported that lobola made gender-based violence worse.

In spite of the difficulties, tradition frequently wins out. Sikhakhane claims that she has a responsibility to uphold the traditions of her family and a responsibility to show respect for the ancestors.

She says that if you believe in something, you will do everything that needs to be done to make it happen. “There are those who say to themselves, ‘All right, I’ll just do it for the sake of my family.'”

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